Syntax Square exists to facilitate the presentation or discussion of anything relating to syntax. Formal presentations are welcome, but not necessary. If there’s a bit of syntax you want to have a discussion about, sign up.

Syntax square will be meeting this semester on Mondays from 1-2pm in room 32-D461. If you would like to lead a discussion or give an informal presentation of your work, please contact Colin Davis or Justin Colley.

Spring 2017

February 14, 2017
  • Syntax Square: Colin Davis

    February 14, 2017 @ 1:00 pm - 2:00 pm

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February 28, 2017
  • Syntax Square: Abdul-Razak Sulemana

    February 28, 2017 @ 1:00 pm - 2:00 pm
    32-D461

    Title: Q-particles and the nature of Covert movement: evidence from Bùlì

    It is a well known fact that wh-questions in many languages may contain an in-situ wh-phrase. The nature of this wh-phrase, however, has been a contentious issue in the literature. While some have argued that the in-situ wh-phrase undergoes covert movement at LF (Aoun, Hornstein, and Sportiche, 1981; Huang, 1982; Nishigauchi, 1990; Pesetsky, 2000, Richards, 1997; 2000; Nissenbaum, 2000; Cable, 2007; 2010; Kotek, 2014; 2016), others have argued against this view (Watanabe 1992; Chomsky 1995; Reinhart 1998). A well-known puzzle for proponents of covert movement are the apparent differences in island-sensitivity between overt and covert movement — leading Huang (1982), for…

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March 7, 2017
  • Syntax Square: Snejana Iovtcheva

    March 7, 2017 @ 1:00 pm - 2:00 pm
    32-D461

    Title: An Applicative Account of Bulgarian Double Object Constructions

    I will present and discuss data on Bulgarian ditransitives, in which clitic doubled Goal arguments differ systematically from their non-double counterparts. More concretely, I will demonstrate that clitic doubled ditransitive constructions, behave in par with English Double Object Constructions (DOC) of the type [I gave John the book], while non-doubled ditransitive constructions behave like Prepositional Ditransitive Constructions (PDC) of the type [I gave the book to John].

    The DOC/PDC distinction is not obvious right away since the language has free word order and Goal arguments…

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March 14, 2017
  • Syntax Square: Colin Davis

    March 14, 2017 @ 1:00 pm - 2:00 pm

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March 21, 2017
  • Syntax Square: Kenyon Branan

    March 21, 2017 @ 1:00 pm - 2:00 pm

    Title: Contiguity Preservation: Another Look at Defective Intervention

    Some languages, like English, allow raising across an experiencer in sentences like [John seems to me to be intelligent]. Other languages, like Icelandic, don’t. In this talk, I will attempt to build a theory that will predict whether or not a language will allow raising across an experiencer. This theory will not make reference to the notion of defective intervention, which has commonly been used to account for the facts in Icelandic. I show that a number of other syntactic properties correlate with the “allows raising across a…

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April 4, 2017
  • Syntax Square: Colin Davis

    April 4, 2017 @ 1:00 pm - 2:00 pm
    32-D461

    English Possessor Extraction, Pied-piping, and Cyclic Linearization

    In my previous syntax square, I introduced possessor extraction in English. This essentially undocumented possibility in colloquial speech stands in contrast to canonical pied-piping wh-movement of possessors in English.

    1. Who do they say[[_'s cat] is cute]? (Possessor extraction)
    2. [Whose cat] do they say [_ is cute]? (Pied-piping)

    English possessor extraction cannot happen all the time, however. In this talk, I go on to analyze the phenomenon's restrictions. For example, non-subject DPs must be pied-piped to the edge of their clause for PE out of them…

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April 25, 2017
  • Syntax Square: Nick Longenbaugh

    April 25, 2017 @ 1:00 pm - 2:00 pm

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May 2, 2017
  • Syntax Square: Rafael Abramovitz

    May 2, 2017 @ 1:00 pm - 2:00 pm

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May 9, 2017
May 16, 2017
  • Syntax Square: Michelle Yuan

    May 16, 2017 @ 1:00 pm - 2:00 pm

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