Speaker: Pavel Caha (Masaryk University)

Title: “Allomorphy in Nanosyntax”

When: Wednesday, November 19^th, 1pm-2:30pm (Day 1) + Thursday, November 20^th, 12:30-2pm (Day 2)  

Where: 32-D461

 

Syntax is a combinatorial system which, in the simplest case, takes two objects and joins them together. E.g., when an excessive marker (too) combines with an adjective (tall), we get the phrase too tall with predictable form and meaning. Morphological concatenation is apparently different and requires linear statements of the sort “realize plural as -en next to ox” (but not next to fox). 

 

The minicourse explores the options for the treatment of allomorphy in Nanosyntax. It argues that if we use phrasal lexicalization, allomorphy can be captured without contextual rules. In this system, different allomorphs lexicalize different features, reflecting a “division of labor” between which meanings are expressed by the root/stem and which by the affix. The system is both more restrictive in some areas than contextual rules and more powerful in others. The course unpacks these properties on several case studies.

Speaker: Pavel Caha (Masaryk University)

Title: “Spatial cases in Tsez: a nanosyntactic analysis”

When: Friday, November 21^st, 3:30-5pm 

Where: 32-141

 

Abstract:

The talk investigates spatial case marking in Tsez. Comrie and Polinsky (1998) argue for the decomposition of these forms into at least two morphemes (roughly Path and Place), and optionally others, like the distal marker. The talk points out that the bi-morphemic analysis leaves several puzzles unanswered. To resolve them, I argue that a tri-componential underlying structure is needed, augmenting Path and Place with Svenonius’ AxPart.  

 

Despite the tri-componential structure, the marking of some cases is indeed bi-componential on the surface, i.e., some of the expected markers are missing in some of the cells. The talk argues that this is because of portmanteau realisation: three underlying positions are present but realised by two markers only. The specific conditions under which this happens provide us with some general insights into the process of lexicalisation, arguing against context-sensitive rules as a tool for modelling allomorphy.